Nguyen Ngoc Lan, a former Catholic priest, has been one of the most outspoken critics of all forms of government harassment and oppression. Before 1975, along with Rev. Chan Tin, Mr. Lan published the Doi Dien ("Opposing") magazine with frequent criticism of the government of South Vietnam. This magazine was soon shut down by the Hanoi government after its takeover of the South in 1975. With no printing facility, Mr. Lan relies on other means to unveil the horrible truth inside Vietnam today.
The following interview of Nguyen Ngoc Lan by RFI at the end of 1995 typifies his personal quest for freedom and democracy for Vietnam.
Q. At the end of 1995, what event or story is the most significant of all?
A. Over the last year, Communist Party-sponsored newspapers have been drumming up achievements of the regime, such as those in the economy, which grew at the rate of 9.5% [and attained] production of 8.5 million barrels of crude oil, 27 million tons of food products, an inflation rate of 12.7%, total exports over 5 billion dollars, and foreign investments doubling over the previous year. In the diplomatic field, the normalization with the U.S. tops the list along with the development agreement signed with the European Union, the joining of ASEAN, the Mekong River cooperation agreement signed with Thailand and Cambodia, the promise in Paris for a $2.3 billion in development aid, and so forth. These achievements are real, but they are only a half of the story.
Q. What then is the other half of the story?
A. The above achievements in the international realm speak to the degree to which governmental institutions are allowed to function on their own, thereby achieving better results. With respect to this fact, the year 1995 has shown that there is progress in governmental reform, although this is not necessarily a direct result of any talent or goodwill on the part of the Party itself. Rather, it reflects the demands of the new situation, in which Vietnam is forced to open relationships with the international community. No nation wants to deal with a country in which the whole government is filled from top to bottom by Party lackeys. Yet in spite of the progress of these reforms, there is nothing to guarantee that these reforms will last given the totalitarian nature of this regime. Because of this, there will always be tension between a dictatorial party and a governmental institution that needs to be effective.
Q. As far as the economy is concern, do you have any observation about the direction of its development?
A. What is the real nature of the current economy? One can say that it is like a house built on sand. Domestic production and exports are overwhelmed by massive foreign imports and investments, which tend to be aimed toward such consumption goods as cigarettes and beer...In the tourist industry, many hotels continue to be built in spite of an overabundance and lack of increase in the number of foreign tourists. Over 70 percent of trade is done with neighboring countries only, such as South Korea, China, Taiwan, Hong Kong, Singapore, and Thailand. Corruption has not decreased and costs hundreds of millions of dollars according to a recent report.
Q. Vietnam's leaders have stressed the importance of political stability in recent years. In your opinion, is this something needed at this moment? Does Vietnam need to change its political system or not?
A. All "monarchies" demand political stability, from the French colonialist government to that of [former South Vietnam presidents] Ngo Dinh Diem and Nguyen Van Thieu. When they sit on top of the heads of the people, they always use the need for political stability to maintain their position. Those who considered themselves "revolutionist" and yet still sing this song of "political stability" prove that they do not really have the true revolutionary spirit. They even want to stop the "peaceful evolution" movement. They cannot even "stabilize" the basic problems of low wages and high cost of living, much less the political situation, which is forcing even honest workers to resort to illegal means to earn extra income.
Q. There have been outright efforts to suppress dissenting or unorthodox voices within the Party such as the arrests of Hoang Minh Chinh and Do Trung Hieu in June and then the detainment of Venerable Thich Quang Do and Nguyen Dinh Huy, as well as the arrests of Ha Si Phu and Le Hong Ha. What are your thoughts on this subject?
A. It is fair to say that the current oppression is relative to the situation. After years of detention without trial, Do Trung Hieu and Hoang Minh Chinh were brought to trial for "taking advantage of democracy," which only shows that "democracy" is absent and badly needed. The same can be said for freedom of religion. It is unimaginable to think that anyone in France, for example, would be arrested for "taking advantage" of democracy or freedom of religion.
In contrast there is nothing as abundant as the "right to power for the Party." This Party's right is above all, including the laws. Maybe that's why there is no such crime as "taking advantage in the name of the Party" since the Party has limitless powers and rights. Yet the relatively light sentences, 15 and 12 months, even though inhumane given the "crime" of having dissenting opinions, indicate that the bamboo curtain cannot be resurrected. The Party can no longer detain people indefinitely but must bring them to trial.
Q. Do you see a difference between the arrests of Ha Si Phu and Do Trung Hieu, members of the intellectual community, and the arrests of those Party-members-turned-dissidents?
A. The arrest of Ha Si Phu unintentionally showed that 1995 was a year in which the movement for freedom and democracy has made a significant leap forward. Beside Ha Si Phu, many other intellectuals and veteran Party members stepped forward to demand a retrial of the cases of Do Trung Hieu and Hoang Minh Chinh and to show support for the writings of Ha Si Phu. Therefore these crackdowns have not solved anything and the voice of righteousness cannot be suppressed. Veteran Party member Nguyen Van Tran's book, "Letters to Mother and Congress," is a prime example of the growing movement for change. This book, 2500 copies of which were sold in a week overseas, received free publicity through the numerous attacks on it from the Party. The Party decided not to eliminate this old Party veteran at this time.
Q. Another important event is the release of Prime Minister Vo Van Kiet's letter to the Politburo. What is your opinion on this and on the ideas expressed in this letter?
A. With regard to the ideas expressed by Mr. Kiet, I want to withhold my opinion at this time if you don't mind. But more importantly this document, for which Ha Si Phu was arrested for possessing "state secrets," is an internal Party document and cannot be considered a secret national document. There is no law that protects a party's secret document from escaping to the public. It is only in the Party's mind that "party" matters are confused with "state" or "national" matters. In this age of communication, the Communist Party's thinking and rationale are 30 years behind the times.
Q. In a few months the Communist Party will hold its 8th National Congress. As a citizen with independent thoughts, do you have any hope or expectation of this Congress?
A. Every Congress of the Communist Party represents a chance for peaceful progress within the Party itself. Wanted or not, this peaceful evolution cannot be avoided. It is in step with the progress toward freedom and democracy in general. To put it in Marxist-Leninist terms, it is like a "natural law." Similar examples can be seen in the progress of Russia's Communist Party from Stalin's rigid rule to Kruschev's denouncement of leader idolization, to Gorbachev's reforms. These changes did not come abruptly, but were the results of an ongoing process.
Q. What is this process going to be like in Vietnam?
A. It will be similar to Russia eventually. In the unique condition of Vietnam, the Vietnamese Communist Party remained intact up to the death of Le Duan. After that time, there has not been a single "supreme" general-secretary. The 6th and 7th Party Congresses consisted of the dismantling and rebuilding of the party machine among various factions. It is a forgone conclusion that the upcoming 8th Congress will witness a similar event. Even though this dismantling can be a healthy process, no communist party anywhere in the world can guarantee such "larger-than-life" leaders like Stalin or Mao can be replaced. To the Vietnamese people, who have the "honor" of being governed without the need to choose, the 8th Party Congress will not fulfill any wishful expectations. It will not be the like the 28th Congress in the Soviet Union in 1990 which brought about fundamental changes, including the denunciation of monolithic ideas and rules.
[To be continued in the next issue]